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1 rǭkà
rǭkà Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `hand'Old Church Slavic:rǫka `hand, arm' [f ā]Russian:ruká `hand, arm' [f ā], rúku [Accs]Czech:Slovak:Polish:ręka `hand' [f ā]Serbo-Croatian:rúka `hand' [f ā], rȗku [Accs];Čak. rūkȁ (Vrgada, Hvar) `hand' [f ā], rȗku [Accs];Čak. ruokȁ (Orbanići) `hand' [f ā], ruȏko [Accs]Slovene:róka `hand' [f ā]Bulgarian:răká `hand' [f ā]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: rónkaʔLithuanian:rankà `hand' [f ā] 2Latvian:rùoka `hand' [f ā]Old Prussian:Comments: The Balto-Slavic word for `hand' derives from a verbal root *urenk, cf. Lith. riñkti `gather'. Since deverbative ā-stems are usually immobile, Kortlandt (1977: 327) suggests that the accentuation is analogical after *nogà `foot, leg', where mobility is old.Other cognates:OIc. rá `corner, berth in a ship' [f] -
2 dòlnь
dòlnь Grammatical information: f. i Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `palm of the hand'Page in Trubačev: V 63-64Old Church Slavic:Russian:ladón' `palm of the hand' [f i];dolón' (dial.) `palm of the hand' [f i]Czech:dlaň `palm of the hand' [f i]Slovak:dlaň `palm of the hand' [f i]Polish:dɫoń `palm of the hand' [f i]Serbo-Croatian:dlȁn `palm of the hand' [m o];Čak. dlå̃n (Vrgada) `palm of the hand' [m o], dlȁna [Gens];Čak. dlán (Vrgada) `palm of the hand' [m o], dlȁna [Gens];Čak. dlȃn (Orbanići) `palm (of the hand)' [f i], dlȃni [Gens]Slovene:dlàn `palm of the hand' [f i], dlanȋ [Gens]Bulgarian:Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: dolʔn-; delʔn-Lithuanian:délna `palm of the hand' [f ā];délnas `palm of the hand' [m o]Latvian:dęl̃na `palm of the hand' [f ā]Comments: We are apparently dealing with a Balto-Slavic root * delʔ-, the origin of which is unclear. Pokorny suggests that there is a connection with Lith. dìlti `rub off, wear out' (`flatten' -> `flat of the hand'), which seems far-fetched. -
3 gъ̑rstь
gъ̑rstь Grammatical information: f. i Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `cupped hand'Page in Trubačev: VII 212-213Old Church Slavic:grъstijо̨ (Euch.) `cupped hand' [Inssf i]Russian:Czech:Slovak:Polish:garść `cupped hand, handful' [f i]Serbo-Croatian:gȓst `cupped hand, handful' [f i];Čak. gȓs (Orbanići) `handful' [f i]Slovene:gȓst `cupped hand, handful' [f i]Latvian:gùrste `bundle of flax' [f ē] -
4 majati
majati; mavati Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `wave, beckon'Page in Trubačev: XVII 133-135, XVIII 21-22Old Church Slavic:namaiaaxǫ (Supr.) `beckoned' [3pl ipf]Church Slavic:Russian:májat' `exhaust, harass' [verb];Old Russian:Czech:mávati `wave' [verb]Slovak:mávat' `wave' [verb]Lower Sorbian:mawaś `wave, rock' [verb]Serbo-Croatian:mȁjati `beckon, keep, detain' [verb]Slovene:májati `move about, shake' [verb], májam [1sg], májem [1sg]Bulgarian:mája `dawdle, detain' [verb]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: maH-Lithuanian:móti `beckon' [verb]Latvian:mãt `beckon' [verb]Indo-European reconstruction: meh₂-IE meaning: beckonPage in Pokorny: 693Comments: It is clear that *majati and *mavati continue one and the same verb, j and v being "Hiatustilger". While majati `to beckon' cannot be separated from Lith. móti, Latv. mãt `id.', majati `to detain, to tire, to exhaust' has been linked to Germanic forms like OHG muoan and Go. afmauiʮs (cf. Stang 1972: 35). The respective roots in Pokorny are mā- (693) and mō- (746). If we assume that *majati indeed continues *meh₂- as well as *meh₃- (LIV: 382), we have to settle for semantic arguments. Since it is also possible to argue on semantic grounds that *majati ultimately continues *meh₂- `to beckon' only (Trubačëv XVII 134), it is to a certain extent a matter of choice which solution one prefers.Other cognates: -
5 mavati
majati; mavati Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `wave, beckon'Page in Trubačev: XVII 133-135, XVIII 21-22Old Church Slavic:namaiaaxǫ (Supr.) `beckoned' [3pl ipf]Church Slavic:Russian:májat' `exhaust, harass' [verb];Old Russian:Czech:mávati `wave' [verb]Slovak:mávat' `wave' [verb]Lower Sorbian:mawaś `wave, rock' [verb]Serbo-Croatian:mȁjati `beckon, keep, detain' [verb]Slovene:májati `move about, shake' [verb], májam [1sg], májem [1sg]Bulgarian:mája `dawdle, detain' [verb]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: maH-Lithuanian:móti `beckon' [verb]Latvian:mãt `beckon' [verb]Indo-European reconstruction: meh₂-IE meaning: beckonPage in Pokorny: 693Comments: It is clear that *majati and *mavati continue one and the same verb, j and v being "Hiatustilger". While majati `to beckon' cannot be separated from Lith. móti, Latv. mãt `id.', majati `to detain, to tire, to exhaust' has been linked to Germanic forms like OHG muoan and Go. afmauiʮs (cf. Stang 1972: 35). The respective roots in Pokorny are mā- (693) and mō- (746). If we assume that *majati indeed continues *meh₂- as well as *meh₃- (LIV: 382), we have to settle for semantic arguments. Since it is also possible to argue on semantic grounds that *majati ultimately continues *meh₂- `to beckon' only (Trubačëv XVII 134), it is to a certain extent a matter of choice which solution one prefers.Other cognates: -
6 prosìti
prosìti Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `ask'Old Church Slavic:Russian:prosít' `ask' [verb], prošú [1sg], prósit [3sg]Czech:Slovak:Polish:prosić `ask' [verb]Serbo-Croatian:pròsiti `beg for charity, ask a girl's hand' [verb], prȍsīm [1sg];Čak. prosȉti (Vrgada) `beg for charity, ask a girl's hand' [verb], prȍsīš [2sg];Čak. prosȉt `beg for charity, ask a girl's hand' [verb], prȍsin [1sg], prȍsi [3sg], prosĩ [3sg]Slovene:prósiti `ask' [verb], prǫ́sim [1sg]Bulgarian:prósja `beg for charity, ask' [verb]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: prośiʔteiLithuanian:prašýti `ask' [verb]Indo-European reconstruction: proḱ-Other cognates:Skt. pr̯ccháti `ask' [verb] -
7 jùgъ
jùgъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `South, south wind'Page in Trubačev: VIII 192-193Old Church Slavic:Russian:Old Russian:Czech:Old Czech:Slovak:Serbo-Croatian:jȕg `south wind' [m o];jȕgo `south wind' [n o];Čak. jȕgo (Vrgada, Novi, Orbanići) `south wind' [n o]Slovene:jùg `southwest wind, South' [m o], júga [Gens]Bulgarian:Comments: If *jùgъ is cognate with Gk. αὐγή `light, beam' < *h₂eug-, the acute tone of the root can be explained by Winter's law. On the other hand, this etmology also implies that the *j- was originally a glide, which considering the distribution of forms with and without *j- seems less likely. The ESSJa argues that * jugъ contains * iouǝ `mix, knead'. The original meaning would have been `soft', cf. -> sěverъ, of the which the older meaning is assumed to have been `sharp, severe'. This all seems highly speculative. -
8 mogti
mogti Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `be able'Page in Trubačev: XIX 107-111Old Church Slavic:Russian:Czech:Slovak:Polish:móc `be able' [verb], mogę [1sg], może [3sg]Serbo-Croatian:mòći `be able' [verb], mògu [1sg], mȍžē [3sg];Čak. mȍći (Vrgada) `be able' [verb], mȏgu [1sg], mȍže [3sg];Čak. mȍć (Orbanići) `can, be able (to), be allowed (to)' [verb], mȍren [1sg]Slovene:móči `be able, must' [verb], mǫ́rem [1sg], mórem [1sg]Bulgarian:móga `be able, be allowed' [verb]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: mog-Lithuanian:magė́ti `please, interest' \{1\} [verb], mãga [3sg]Old Prussian:Indo-European reconstruction: mogʰ-IE meaning: be able, capablePage in Pokorny: 695Comments: The generally accepted apophonic relationship between Slavic *mogti, Lith. magė́ti etc. on the one hand and mė́gti `love, like', Latv. mêgt `be able, be accustomed to' on the other cannot be maintained if one adheres to the view that the lengthened grade yielded a Balto-Slavic circumflex. The acute of the latter verbs may be due to Winter's law (*h₁meǵ- if cognate with Gk. περιημεκτέω `be aggrieved, chafe'). The o-vocalism of magė́ti and the Slavic and the Germanic forms points to an old perfect. For the semantic development `to be able' -> `to like', cf. Go. mag vs. MoHG mögen. As Pokorny remarks himself, his reconstruction *magʰ-, māgʰ- is entirely based on the presumed connection of the aforementioned forms with Gk. μηχανή `means, instrument', μη̃χος `instrument, apparatus', Dor. μᾱχᾱνα, μα̃ χος, which was rejected by Endzelīns (1931: 183), Fraenkel (1951, 168), Stang (1972, 37) a.o. for various reasons (cf. ESSJa X: 110) but nevertheless reappears in Lehmann 1986 (239).Other cognates:Skt. maghá- `power, wealth, gift';Notes:\{1\} The verb usually occurs in impersonal constructions. \{2\} The scholarly community is divided with respect to the question whether massi is a borrowing from Slavic (viz. Polish może) or a genuine Prussian form (see Mažiulis III: 114 for the relevant literature). -
9 mьglà
mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94Old Church Slavic:Russian:mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];Czech:Old Czech:Polish:Upper Sorbian:Serbo-Croatian:màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]Slovene:mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]Bulgarian:măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláHLithuanian:miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]Latvian:mìegs `sleep' [m o]Old Prussian:Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂IE meaning: mist, cloudPage in Pokorny: 712Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.Other cognates:Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather';Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];Notes: -
10 mьgà
mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94Old Church Slavic:Russian:mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];Czech:Old Czech:Polish:Upper Sorbian:Serbo-Croatian:màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]Slovene:mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]Bulgarian:măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláHLithuanian:miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]Latvian:mìegs `sleep' [m o]Old Prussian:Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂IE meaning: mist, cloudPage in Pokorny: 712Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.Other cognates:Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather';Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];Notes: -
11 miglъ
mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94Old Church Slavic:Russian:mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];Czech:Old Czech:Polish:Upper Sorbian:Serbo-Croatian:màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]Slovene:mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]Bulgarian:măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláHLithuanian:miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]Latvian:mìegs `sleep' [m o]Old Prussian:Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂IE meaning: mist, cloudPage in Pokorny: 712Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.Other cognates:Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather';Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];Notes: -
12 avě
avě Grammatical information: adv. Proto-Slavic meaning: `manifestly'Page in Trubačev: I 93-94Old Church Slavic:javě `manifestly, openly, clearly' [adv];avě `manifestly, openly, clearly' [adv]Serbo-Croatian:Bulgarian:áve `in reality' [adv];jáve `in reality' [adv]Macedonian:Lithuanian:Indo-European reconstruction: h₂ēu-ēisIE meaning: apparentlyCertainty: +Page in Pokorny: 78Comments: OLith. ovyje `in reality' is sometimes regarded as a borrowing from Slavic but there are no compelling arguments for this view. The absence of initial j- rather points in the direction of an etymological relationship, cf. jovnai `openly', which is a borrowing from Belorussian. In that case we would have to start from a PBSl. i-stem *āv-i- (cf. Anikin 1998: 21, see also s.v. javiti). On the other hand, it seems possible that the form ovyje, whose oldest attestations are two occurrences in Daukša, is based on Church Slavic (j)avě. The Slavic adverb in turn may have been borrowed from Iranian (Lubotsky p.c.).Other cognates:Skt. āvíṣ `apparently, noticeably' [adv]; -
13 dužь
dužь Grammatical information: adj. jo Proto-Slavic meaning: `strong'Page in Trubačev: V 167-168Russian:djúžij `sturdy, hefty, robust, healthy' [adj jo];dúžij (dial.) `strong, healthy' [adj jo]Old Russian:djúžij `strong' [adj jo]Belorussian:dúžy `strong, vigorous' [adj jo]Ukrainian:dúžyj `strong, healthy' [adj jo]Czech:duží (rare) `firm, strong' [adj jo]Slovak:dúži `strong, big, healthy' [adj jo]Polish:dużo `much, many, (16th-18th c.) very' [adv] \{1\}Lithuanian:daũg `much, many' [adv];daũgia (dial.) `much, many' [adv]Latvian:daũdz(i) `much, many' [adv]Comments: If the Polish forms are "Ruthenianisms", there is no objection against positing a root containing a nasal, cf. dęga, dęglъ(jь)i, nedǫgъ. On the other hand, the parallellism between Pl. dużo and Lith. daũgia is suggestive. Possibly, the roots *dǫg- and *dug- were confused (cf. Shevelov 1964: 321-322, ESSJa 25: 126). The latter root may reflect *dʰougʰ-, cf. Go. daug `is useful'.Notes:\{1\} According to Bańkowski (II: 312), duży `strong' and dużo (duże) `very', which are attested since the 16th century, originate from Ukrainian. Duży `big' is recorded sporadically from 1600 onwards and more frequently since the 18th century, while dużo `much, many' occurs only since the 18th century. -
14 làpa
làpa Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `paw'Page in Trubačev: XIV 26-28Russian:lápa `paw' [f ā]Old Russian:Czech:Slovak:Polish:Serbo-Croatian:lȁpa `paw' [f ā]Slovene:lápa `snout, mouth' [f ā];Bulgarian:lápa `paw' [f ā]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: lóʔpaʔLithuanian:lópa (dial.) `paw' [f ā] 1;lopà (dial.) `paw' [f ā] 2Latvian:lãpa `paw' [f ā]Indo-European reconstruction: loHp-eh₂?? (leh₃p-eh₂??)Other cognates: -
15 myšьca
myšьca Grammatical information: f. jā Proto-Slavic meaning: `muscle, shoulder'Page in Trubačev: XXI 67Old Church Slavic:Russian:Serbo-Croatian:mȉšca (obs.) `muscle, shoulder' [f ā];mìšca (obs.) `muscle, shoulder' [f jā]Slovene:mȋšca `muscle, shoulder' [f jā]Indo-European reconstruction: muHs-Page in Pokorny: 752Other cognates: -
16 remy
remy Grammatical information: m. n Proto-Slavic meaning: `strap, belt'Old Church Slavic:Russian:remén' `strap, belt' [m jo], remnjá [Gens]Czech:řemen `strap, belt' [m o/jo]Slovak:remeň `strap, belt' [m jo]Polish:rzemień `strap, belt' [m jo];Serbo-Croatian:rȅmēn `strap, belt' [m o], rȅmena [Gens];rèmik (Herc.) `strap, belt' [m o];Čak. rȅmik (Orbanići) `strap (of a whip)' [m o]Slovene:rémen `strap, belt' [m o], remę́na [Gens]Comments: Attempts have been made to connect * remy with -> *arьmъ/o, but this meets with formal difficulties. Apart from the fact that in South Slavic there are no forms pointing to *rě- may be consider a counter-argument (but cf. OCS retь). More importantly, arьmъ/o is usually derived from PIE h₂er-, which seems incompatible with * remy. On the other hand, the relationship with MHG rieme m. `strap, belt', the etymology of which is unknown, is also unclear.
См. также в других словарях:
old hand — noun count someone who has been doing something for a long time and is very good at it: There are no surprises for an old hand like him. old hand at: After bringing up six kids, I m an old hand at it … Usage of the words and phrases in modern English
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old hand — [n] person experienced in something expert, longtimer, old guard*, old school*, old timer*, pro*, vet*, veteran; concept 423 Ant. amateur, greenhorn, rookie … New thesaurus
old hand — old′ hand′ n. a person with long experience in a subject, area, procedure, etc.; veteran • Etymology: 1775–85 … From formal English to slang
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